I know, I'm not the first person to tell you how impressed I am with Barack Obama's campaign. In fact, this isn't even the first time I've
said so in this blog. 60 Minutes has this pretty good interview with the people behind-the-scenes of the campaign. It is very impressive
and I think there is a lot for everyone to learn here.
The thing that stands out, is how calm President-Elect Obama is even under
challenging situation. The level-headedness, sharp wit, and ability to organize and gather the best talent are reasons why he has been
ahead of rivals by leaps and bounds.
Another impressive thing is Obama's team's rigor and energy to challenge: Not only to challenge the opponent, but also to challenge
the way election campaigns (and the subsequent transition) are run. Their inventiveness explains his appeal to the younger generation, in particular.
The most sincere congratulations to Senator Barack Obama, who has inspired us, that through hard work, wit, and leadership,
one can fight all odds and succeed through meritocracy. Thank you for showing us the Spirit of the American people.
Senator McCain, you were a worthy and respectable candidate for the race to this Presidency. Your concession speech
was elegant, noble, and delivered with great dignity. I am glad that you have returned to your own self again, and America
can trust that, even with the outcome of this election, you will put your Country First.
America, through your passion and commitment to show up at polls today, through your enthusiasm to volunteer, through your love for this country, you have shown the world that it is indeed, America the Good.
-ve.
The following are transcripts to, respectively, Sen. John McCain's concession speech, and Sen. Barack Obama's victory speech.
Senator John McCain's concession speech
Delivered in Pheonix, AZ November 4 2008
Thank you. Thank you, my friends. Thank you for coming here on this beautiful Arizona evening.
My friends, we have -- we have come to the end of a long journey. The American people have spoken, and they have spoken clearly.
A little while ago, I had the honor of calling Sen. Barack Obama to congratulate him.
To congratulate him on being elected the next president of the country that we both love.
In a contest as long and difficult as this campaign has been, his success alone commands my respect for his ability and perseverance. But that he managed to do so by inspiring the hopes of so many millions of Americans who had once wrongly believed that they had little at stake or little influence in the election of an American president is something I deeply admire and commend him for achieving.
This is an historic election, and I recognize the special significance it has for African-Americans and for the special pride that must be theirs tonight.
I've always believed that America offers opportunities to all who have the industry and will to seize it. Sen. Obama believes that, too.
But we both recognize that, though we have come a long way from the old injustices that once stained our nation's reputation and denied some Americans the full blessings of American citizenship, the memory of them still had the power to wound.
A century ago, President Theodore Roosevelt's invitation of Booker T. Washington to dine at the White House was taken as an outrage in many quarters.
America today is a world away from the cruel and frightful bigotry of that time. There is no better evidence of this than the election of an African-American to the presidency of the United States.
Let there be no reason now for any American to fail to cherish their citizenship in this, the greatest nation on Earth.
Sen. Obama has achieved a great thing for himself and for his country. I applaud him for it, and offer him my sincere sympathy that his beloved grandmother did not live to see this day. Though our faith assures us she is at rest in the presence of her creator and so very proud of the good man she helped raise.
Sen. Obama and I have had and argued our differences, and he has prevailed. No doubt many of those differences remain.
These are difficult times for our country. And I pledge to him tonight to do all in my power to help him lead us through the many challenges we face.
I urge all Americans who supported me to join me in not just congratulating him, but offering our next president our good will and earnest effort to find ways to come together to find the necessary compromises to bridge our differences and help restore our prosperity, defend our security in a dangerous world, and leave our children and grandchildren a stronger, better country than we inherited.
Whatever our differences, we are fellow Americans. And please believe me when I say no association has ever meant more to me than that.
It is natural. It's natural, tonight, to feel some disappointment. But tomorrow, we must move beyond it and work together to get our country moving again.
We fought -- we fought as hard as we could. And though we fell short, the failure is mine, not yours.
I am so deeply grateful to all of you for the great honor of your support and for all you have done for me. I wish the outcome had been different, my friends.
The road was a difficult one from the outset, but your support and friendship never wavered. I cannot adequately express how deeply indebted I am to you.
I'm especially grateful to my wife, Cindy, my children, my dear mother and all my family, and to the many old and dear friends who have stood by my side through the many ups and downs of this long campaign.
I have always been a fortunate man, and never more so for the love and encouragement you have given me.
You know, campaigns are often harder on a candidate's family than on the candidate, and that's been true in this campaign.
All I can offer in compensation is my love and gratitude and the promise of more peaceful years ahead.
I am also -- I am also, of course, very thankful to Gov. Sarah Palin, one of the best campaigners I've ever seen, and an impressive new voice in our party for reform and the principles that have always been our greatest strength, her husband Todd and their five beautiful children for their tireless dedication to our cause, and the courage and grace they showed in the rough and tumble of a presidential campaign.
We can all look forward with great interest to her future service to Alaska, the Republican Party and our country.
To all my campaign comrades, from Rick Davis and Steve Schmidt and Mark Salter, to every last volunteer who fought so hard and valiantly, month after month, in what at times seemed to be the most challenged campaign in modern times, thank you so much. A lost election will never mean more to me than the privilege of your faith and friendship.
I don't know -- I don't know what more we could have done to try to win this election. I'll leave that to others to determine. Every candidate makes mistakes, and I'm sure I made my share of them. But I won't spend a moment of the future regretting what might have been.
This campaign was and will remain the great honor of my life, and my heart is filled with nothing but gratitude for the experience and to the American people for giving me a fair hearing before deciding that Sen. Obama and my old friend Sen. Joe Biden should have the honor of leading us for the next four years.
I would not -- I would not be an American worthy of the name should I regret a fate that has allowed me the extraordinary privilege of serving this country for a half a century.
Today, I was a candidate for the highest office in the country I love so much. And tonight, I remain her servant. That is blessing enough for anyone, and I thank the people of Arizona for it.
Tonight -- tonight, more than any night, I hold in my heart nothing but love for this country and for all its citizens, whether they supported me or Sen. Obama -- whether they supported me or Sen. Obama.
I wish Godspeed to the man who was my former opponent and will be my president. And I call on all Americans, as I have often in this campaign, to not despair of our present difficulties, but to believe, always, in the promise and greatness of America, because nothing is inevitable here.
Americans never quit. We never surrender.
We never hide from history. We make history.
Thank you, and God bless you, and God bless America. Thank you all very much.
Senator Barack Obama's victory speech
Grant Park, Chicago, IL November 4 2008
Hello, Chicago.
If there is anyone out there who still doubts that America is a place where all things are possible, who still wonders if the dream of our founders is alive in our time, who still questions the power of our democracy, tonight is your answer.
It's the answer told by lines that stretched around schools and churches in numbers this nation has never seen, by people who waited three hours and four hours, many for the first time in their lives, because they believed that this time must be different, that their voices could be that difference.
It's the answer spoken by young and old, rich and poor, Democrat and Republican, black, white, Hispanic, Asian, Native American, gay, straight, disabled and not disabled. Americans who sent a message to the world that we have never been just a collection of individuals or a collection of red states and blue states.
We are, and always will be, the United States of America.
It's the answer that led those who've been told for so long by so many to be cynical and fearful and doubtful about what we can achieve to put their hands on the arc of history and bend it once more toward the hope of a better day.
It's been a long time coming, but tonight, because of what we did on this date in this election at this defining moment change has come to America.
A little bit earlier this evening, I received an extraordinarily gracious call from Sen. McCain.
Sen. McCain fought long and hard in this campaign. And he's fought even longer and harder for the country that he loves. He has endured sacrifices for America that most of us cannot begin to imagine. We are better off for the service rendered by this brave and selfless leader.
I congratulate him; I congratulate Gov. Palin for all that they've achieved. And I look forward to working with them to renew this nation's promise in the months ahead.
I want to thank my partner in this journey, a man who campaigned from his heart, and spoke for the men and women he grew up with on the streets of Scranton and rode with on the train home to Delaware, the vice president-elect of the United States, Joe Biden.
And I would not be standing here tonight without the unyielding support of my best friend for the last 16 years the rock of our family, the love of my life, the nation's next first lady Michelle Obama.
Sasha and Malia I love you both more than you can imagine. And you have earned the new puppy that's coming with us to the new White House.
And while she's no longer with us, I know my grandmother's watching, along with the family that made me who I am. I miss them tonight. I know that my debt to them is beyond measure.
To my sister Maya, my sister Alma, all my other brothers and sisters, thank you so much for all the support that you've given me. I am grateful to them.
And to my campaign manager, David Plouffe, the unsung hero of this campaign, who built the best -- the best political campaign, I think, in the history of the United States of America.
To my chief strategist David Axelrod who's been a partner with me every step of the way.
To the best campaign team ever assembled in the history of politics you made this happen, and I am forever grateful for what you've sacrificed to get it done.
But above all, I will never forget who this victory truly belongs to. It belongs to you. It belongs to you.
I was never the likeliest candidate for this office. We didn't start with much money or many endorsements. Our campaign was not hatched in the halls of Washington. It began in the backyards of Des Moines and the living rooms of Concord and the front porches of Charleston. It was built by working men and women who dug into what little savings they had to give $5 and $10 and $20 to the cause.
It grew strength from the young people who rejected the myth of their generation's apathy who left their homes and their families for jobs that offered little pay and less sleep.
It drew strength from the not-so-young people who braved the bitter cold and scorching heat to knock on doors of perfect strangers, and from the millions of Americans who volunteered and organized and proved that more than two centuries later a government of the people, by the people, and for the people has not perished from the Earth.
This is your victory.
And I know you didn't do this just to win an election. And I know you didn't do it for me.
You did it because you understand the enormity of the task that lies ahead. For even as we celebrate tonight, we know the challenges that tomorrow will bring are the greatest of our lifetime -- two wars, a planet in peril, the worst financial crisis in a century.
Even as we stand here tonight, we know there are brave Americans waking up in the deserts of Iraq and the mountains of Afghanistan to risk their lives for us.
There are mothers and fathers who will lie awake after the children fall asleep and wonder how they'll make the mortgage or pay their doctors' bills or save enough for their child's college education.
There's new energy to harness, new jobs to be created, new schools to build, and threats to meet, alliances to repair.
The road ahead will be long. Our climb will be steep. We may not get there in one year or even in one term. But, America, I have never been more hopeful than I am tonight that we will get there.
I promise you, we as a people will get there.
There will be setbacks and false starts. There are many who won't agree with every decision or policy I make as president. And we know the government can't solve every problem.
But I will always be honest with you about the challenges we face. I will listen to you, especially when we disagree. And, above all, I will ask you to join in the work of remaking this nation, the only way it's been done in America for 221 years -- block by block, brick by brick, calloused hand by calloused hand.
What began 21 months ago in the depths of winter cannot end on this autumn night.
This victory alone is not the change we seek. It is only the chance for us to make that change. And that cannot happen if we go back to the way things were.
It can't happen without you, without a new spirit of service, a new spirit of sacrifice.
So let us summon a new spirit of patriotism, of responsibility, where each of us resolves to pitch in and work harder and look after not only ourselves but each other.
Let us remember that, if this financial crisis taught us anything, it's that we cannot have a thriving Wall Street while Main Street suffers.
In this country, we rise or fall as one nation, as one people. Let's resist the temptation to fall back on the same partisanship and pettiness and immaturity that has poisoned our politics for so long.
Let's remember that it was a man from this state who first carried the banner of the Republican Party to the White House, a party founded on the values of self-reliance and individual liberty and national unity.
Those are values that we all share. And while the Democratic Party has won a great victory tonight, we do so with a measure of humility and determination to heal the divides that have held back our progress.
As Lincoln said to a nation far more divided than ours, we are not enemies but friends. Though passion may have strained, it must not break our bonds of affection.
And to those Americans whose support I have yet to earn, I may not have won your vote tonight, but I hear your voices. I need your help. And I will be your president, too.
And to all those watching tonight from beyond our shores, from parliaments and palaces, to those who are huddled around radios in the forgotten corners of the world, our stories are singular, but our destiny is shared, and a new dawn of American leadership is at hand.
To those -- to those who would tear the world down: We will defeat you. To those who seek peace and security: We support you. And to all those who have wondered if America's beacon still burns as bright: Tonight we proved once more that the true strength of our nation comes not from the might of our arms or the scale of our wealth, but from the enduring power of our ideals: democracy, liberty, opportunity and unyielding hope.
That's the true genius of America: that America can change. Our union can be perfected. What we've already achieved gives us hope for what we can and must achieve tomorrow.
This election had many firsts and many stories that will be told for generations. But one that's on my mind tonight's about a woman who cast her ballot in Atlanta. She's a lot like the millions of others who stood in line to make their voice heard in this election except for one thing: Ann Nixon Cooper is 106 years old.
She was born just a generation past slavery; a time when there were no cars on the road or planes in the sky; when someone like her couldn't vote for two reasons -- because she was a woman and because of the color of her skin.
And tonight, I think about all that she's seen throughout her century in America -- the heartache and the hope; the struggle and the progress; the times we were told that we can't, and the people who pressed on with that American creed: Yes we can.
At a time when women's voices were silenced and their hopes dismissed, she lived to see them stand up and speak out and reach for the ballot. Yes we can.
When there was despair in the dust bowl and depression across the land, she saw a nation conquer fear itself with a New Deal, new jobs, a new sense of common purpose. Yes we can.
When the bombs fell on our harbor and tyranny threatened the world, she was there to witness a generation rise to greatness and a democracy was saved. Yes we can.
She was there for the buses in Montgomery, the hoses in Birmingham, a bridge in Selma, and a preacher from Atlanta who told a people that "We Shall Overcome." Yes we can.
A man touched down on the moon, a wall came down in Berlin, a world was connected by our own science and imagination.
And this year, in this election, she touched her finger to a screen, and cast her vote, because after 106 years in America, through the best of times and the darkest of hours, she knows how America can change.
Yes we can.
America, we have come so far. We have seen so much. But there is so much more to do. So tonight, let us ask ourselves -- if our children should live to see the next century; if my daughters should be so lucky to live as long as Ann Nixon Cooper, what change will they see? What progress will we have made?
This is our chance to answer that call. This is our moment.
This is our time, to put our people back to work and open doors of opportunity for our kids; to restore prosperity and promote the cause of peace; to reclaim the American dream and reaffirm that fundamental truth, that, out of many, we are one; that while we breathe, we hope. And where we are met with cynicism and doubts and those who tell us that we can't, we will respond with that timeless creed that sums up the spirit of a people: Yes, we can.
Thank you. God bless you. And may God bless the United States of America.
America is the greatest Superpower the world has ever seen, and it has been the most benevolent. I think many of us will, without thinking, attribute it to democracy. And so when one sees the hint of this system be abused, as a well-informed, responsible citizen of the world, it is our duty to stand up and fight against the powers of tyranny.
We have seen such abuses in the past eight years. The Bush Presidency has been marred by exploitation after exploitation. Never has the reputation of America been so damaged. While the Nixon Administration was haunted with procedural espionage, we have seen damages of greater proportions in the turn of this century. We have seen great misappropriations of resources, injustices to citizens and foreigners alike, and a strategically unjustifiable war.
This is not to say that the Republican party is fully representative of George W. Bush and Dick Cheney, but it is the fundamental ideology that drove its election and Presidency that still forms the basis of many of its members. This is with no doubt best demonstrated by the choice of Sarah Palin as the Vice Presidential candidate. As we have seen Senator John McCain, through these many months, shift noticeably to the right, we can infer that it will be "more of the same", shall he be elected.
The weakening (or as some may argue, the great collapse) of Compassionate Conservative politics, coupled with a great financial crisis that the world has not seen since the Great Depression, demonstrates the shift of American politics and economic policy decisively to the left. For this reason, the Democrats have had a great advantage to begin with, boosted by recent events.
Then there is Barack Obama, junior Senator from Illinois, an amazing rise as a political star, and probably the greatest political talent the country has seen since John F Kennedy. On the surface, he represents many things. His mixed heritage, history of moving from place to place, his struggling mother, his absent father, all mean very much to many people. It particularly means much to two groups: African Americans, whom, generation after generation have faced doubt and discrimination. Mr. Obama inspires many, in a very positive manner, that aspiration, discipline, and hard work can lead one to the top. This has not only been restricted to the United States: a young, Arabic child of an immigrant family, living in the suburbs of London realizes, that with hard work, discipline, and a trained, level-headed mind, he or she may one day become Prime Minister.
His campaign is another great organ that will serve as a new template to American electoral politics. It has been running for so long, with such consistency and unparalleled organization that proves his ability to lead, organize, and mobilize many to follow. It demonstrates that he may bring vigor and youth to an aging administrative system. Just as FDR revolutionized the people's relationship with the President through his fireside chats, or as JFK won over many with his mastery of the television, Obama has understood new media, this time the Internet, to get his message to the masses. His great success has not only been the mastery of such medium, but also his ability to mobilize many who would not otherwise have voted: the young generation, as well as African-Americans. He has also drawn those who haven't voted for many electoral cycles.
The consistency of his message, centered around "Hope" and "Change", have become easily associable with Obama the person, making it a textbook example for marketing. Mr. Obama's ability to raise funds, appropriate them to the best talent, drive and group this talent, and distributing them to fledging corners of a very large organization, is the behavior and judgement of sound leadership. For this reason, Mr. Obama and his team will most certainly serve the best to the country.
Regardless, the 2008 Presidential election of the United States, and the campaign that has preceded it, will live as one of the great turning points of American Democracy. Both candidates, Democratic or Republican alike, represent the best of America. It is also comforting to see the macro-political system return to the center, hopefully, an end to extremism in politics. As we have seen in the Democratic primaries, the electorate has finally opened itself to greater acceptance of people with different backgrounds.
We will find out soon of who shall win this Presidency. History has been made in this election, and new leadership will lift the United States back on its feet.
I think Mr. Powell has nailed it. He's articulated the problems of the Republican Party spot on and is the primary reason why
Senator Obama should be the next president. The smearing tactics and tolerance for distasteful and inaccurate allegations by the
Republicans are quite honestly a disgrace to American democracy, not to mention Senator McCain's aweful choice of Governor Palin as
his running mate.
And point two, he's absolutely right, what's wrong with being a Muslim? Wasn't America built on the foundations of being religiously and
ethnically tolerant?
Muslims have contributed greatly to world knowledge and peace in the history of the world, and it is just a minute portion of fanatics
that are causing so much distress to the world. The unenlightened and arrogant half of the US should start reading newspapers or log in to
freakin wikipedia before making racist stereotypes. Really race and religion of any candidate of any election shouldn't be an issue.
The former is something that you're born with and can't control, and the latter is a personal matter which makes it no one else's business.
Keep race and religion out of politics and stop being so god-damn childish America!
My God, I can't believe that the Republicans actually chose such a dumbass... at least SNL is getting a
good laugh at it, and entertaining everyone in the process.
Needless to say, this election's gonna be pretty interesting... I hope all of you (who are eligable) be sure to
vote. Every vote counts, and your choice will change the course of world history!
This is only the beginning of one of the greatest economic downturns that the US
(and hence, the world) has seen since the Great Depression. The collapse of Bear
Sterns and Lehman Brothers is only the beginning, as there is still no visible path for assets to
be reevaluated in value. Our experiments with accessing risk have most likely been incorrect, and
the overconfidence of this system that has emerged in the last couple of years has led to opaque
portfolios. Until we are able to find a way for assets to mark to market, the financial system
would turn to an over-cautious state, and thus flee to cash or treasuries. We are already seeing
this happening as Treasury yields have been driven down to levels unseen since the 1950s.
The tightening of credit, over the past year, has spread from mortgage-only loans, to student,
business, and interbank/inter-institutional markets. The tightening of the student loan market
has told us of the lack of confidence that graduates will be able to find a job (thus repay their
loans) after they graduate. What does the tightening of inter-institutional lending tell us?
It is for certain that we will see more collapses, although the failure of Lehman Brothers is most
likely, at least within the US, going to be the largest of its kind. This does not take out the
pressure, however, as we will be seeing more small/mid-sized financial institutions fail, and
following, businesses in other sectors. This would prove much more damaging than the collapse
of a 158-year old brokerage.
It is certain: the United States is destined to wind into the path of Japan in the 1990s, which
it is still struggling to get out of. Somewhat, and paradoxically-reassuring thing is, the US
is still the largest economy in the world, by a large margin. This will spread the downward risk
across the world. At the same time, this means that we have just witnessed the end of a Gilded
Age (of the 21st century).
What can be done? Well, we know from the lessons of Japan, and to a lesser extent, Hong Kong,
that banking reform will be required. For an economy as large as the United States, and with
its sprawling financial sector, this reform will be difficult, and very painful. It will mean
that we will be reentering a more conservative, and highly regulated environment, which we saw
winding down since the 1980s.
Secondly, there needs to be something done to reassure consumer confidence in the country, as
this Great Recession is most likely a failure in demand, and an overall tightening of credit.
These two factors are what distinguishes this Recession from the one in the 1970s, which was
instigated on the supply-side (of oil, thus impacting other sectors).
Thirdly, the winding down of the financial sector, added to overall decreasing demand, will
lead to a dramatic shrinkage of the financial sector. This will greatly affect the economy
of places like New York, which, through the trickling-down of wealth, relies heavily on the
financial sector. For this reason, property prices will see great pressure. Because of the
likely closure of businesses, this would likely be affecting demand in both residential, retail
and commercial real estate. The downturns of both Japan and Hong Kong saw property prices fall
by 50%. Assuming that average property prices in the country have fallen 20%, we still have a
long way to go.
Fourthly, is to pent up demand in other spheres. If demand for manufactured products and
services arise in say, China, it might be able to prevent a world-wide meltdown of the economy.
So far I do not see that happening, as estimates of the middle class population of the country
hovers around 110 million people. The US middle class population is estimated around 60% of
the population, which puts the number at 180 million. Yet the "middle class" of China is simply
calculated by Purchasing Power Parity, which means that any demand would be internally driven, or
be focused on luxury goods manufactured in.
The rise of consumer demand in China is still very far away. The country will need shift from
its assembly-export strategy to do so. This will involve the being the source of invented
technology (not the case yet), spurring internal demand for manufactured goods (not yet, since
people are saving), establish better social safety net systems (which will encourage people to
save less), reform its legal system to ensure proper channels to make claims, as well as protect
inventors from piracy and espionage. As you can see, China is still a long way away. It has
taken the US about 60 years to get from disaster to a demand-based economic structure (1865, the
end of the Civil War, to the 1920s). So far China's only been at it for less than 30 years (since
1979). In other words, it would be until 2039 until the paradigm shift actually and visibly occurs.
I personally would say 2046 (50 years after Hong Kong's Handover).
The situation with the US economy is worrisome. This will most likely be the first generation
since the post-war period, where we will see sustained low-to-no growth in the economy. This will
also mean that, for the first time, graduation will likely equal to unemployment for most students.
The age of uncertainty has begun. We must learn how to brace for this Brave New World.
I've never been a fan of mass media reporting financial and economic news, but I have to say that the jon stewart of the daily show
has constantly done a fine and educated job with it.
here are a couple of my favorites, probably the best overall..
On the back cover of Jonathan Spence's To Change China, one reads:
"To change China" was the goal of foreign missionaries, soldiers, doctors, teachers, engineers, and revolutionaries for more than three hundred years. But the Chinese, while eagerly accepting Western technical advice, clung steadfastly to their own religious and cultural traditions. As a new era of relations between China and the United States begins, the tales in this volume will serve as cautionary histories for businessmen, diplomats, students, or any other foreigners who foolishly believe that they can transform this vast, enigmatic country.
And finally, with much fanfare and anticipation from those within China and out, Beijing will host the 29th Olympiad. On official levels a sign of peace and world unity, of course, has always
been an event that can be better described as anything between a propaganda campaign and a public relations spin-off. Given the profile of something such as the Olympics, it is inevitable that the
Chinese government's policies will become a focal point by millions of people. Some of them are supportive, and, in the age of freedom and opinion, some will be critical.
China should take this chance, disciplined by the rest of the world, to reassess its policies in the way it handles opposition within and outside its borders.
The most vocal of these critical voices has been China's policy toward Tibet. Of course, it is impossible to trace when and where Tibet has, or is, part of China.
Indeed, agreements were made in the 1950s between the Chinese Communist government and the Tibetans, upon the inclusion of Tibet into the People's Republic of China.
While this does argue against Tibet as being a separate country, one must point out that the Chinese central government has, time and again, failed to honor its agreement
(one can freely use the term, Heavenly Mandate), in offering the so-called Tibetan Autonomous Region true autonomy. While such suppression has and is blanket-applied
throughout the nation, regardless of Tibetan, Han, or Hui, one cannot help but ask when the Chinese government will right its wrongs: the Great Leap Forward, the Cultural Revolution,
June Fourth-Tiananmen Square, Falun Gong. It is all-too alluring for the government to slip these under the carpet, even to force its people to "forget" that they have ever happened,
but is this really the way to run a modern, responsible government? Even where accountability is not a requirement to gain office in this nation, where has the vision and foresight gone?
How can one possibly prevent such "hush-hush" politics from being a long-term timebomb?
While I believe that Tibet really needs the rest of China in order to endure its historical mission of a land spiritual-augmentism in this money-infested age,
China should guarantee her true autonomy. In fact, the return of the Dalai Lama, which garners great respect amongst both the Tibetans, and the Han (I'm talking about the vast diaspora
scattered around the world), is probably the only viable option to balance the calls for unity by the Chinese government, and the independence-leaning Tibetan youths.
The question, therefore, lies on China's fear of Tibetan independence. I have great sympathy for the Chinese government's concern. For the past two centuries, the nation has been
bullied into treaties that have resulted into divisions, subdivision, and annexations, causing great loss and harm to the country. While China has finally embraced Capitalism,
it has had great reservations to political and social change. Imperialism is still a great fear by the general folk, and many believe that full western-styled democracy would
lead to the loss of autonomy (for the nation as a whole) and subject to manipulation by the other economic powers (unfortunately, the United States has not been a good role model in this regard).
How can one change China?
The protests in London and Paris, and the media fallout that has occurred, has been a disappointing turn of events. It has been a war of words between the Western-media,
which have been more sympathetic to the Tibetan cause, and the state-controlled media within China. While in its beginning, the global newswires have seemed to be more lop-sided toward the
Tibetan cause, the lack of press freedom within China has made the Chinese alternative less than convincing.
Press freedom is, in theory, a self-adjusting moderator, that prevents information to be towards one extreme or another. Indeed, China is a 1.3-billion person conglomerate.
It is futile to believe that one can dictate the government how to run its country. After all, it is their game: they control the laws, they control the media, and they can control what
comes in and out of the country. They can do it relatively well too. To change China, one needs to use terms that are audible to the Chinese government.
The nature of state television has nurtured a monster within the nation of China. Let's take the Olympic-torch events/protests as an example. The fallout of protests within China,
the vastness and speed of which protests have erupted, should have raised alarm bells within Zhongnanhai (the residence of the President of China). This is solely the result of the
lack of alternative media and opinion within the country. Under normal circumstances, this has served as benefit to the central government: it can, at will, control the flow of information.
But it has been prone to disaster for the government; as such protests occur approximately every two years (the last one being the anti-Japanese protests).
The Chinese-rednecks, most of them youths, and often referred to as the Angry Youths, use these events as a point of venting their anger, first at the officiated target,
be it the Japanese, the West or the Tibetan "Separatists", but quickly turn their heads to the Chinese government itself.
Another problem with this antiquated model of state-media is the problem of commercial interest.
Media, information, is a lucrative business. In raw this comes in the form of prices, rates, and forecasts, which can be monetized through trade mechanisms such as long, short, or arbitrage.
Whoever controls information within China, or any country, is on the seat of an extremely lucrative business. In this case, it is whoever controls the Central Propaganda Department.
In this current configuration, the Central Government itself, or, the Chinese people, is prone to the personal priorities and interests of the governing body of this department (read blackmail).
It is better that the government can at least begin by setting up multiple bodies that can compete against each other, so that no one can have a monopoly to information, thus hedging against this risk.
Over time, these bodies can be deregulated to give true free press.
It takes decades to change a country and the way it runs itself, let alone a country as large as China. The government itself, to maintain its present legitimacy, often needs to take a generation
before it will formally write-off its past wrong-doings, primarily after its protagonists have all passed away. It also takes an entire generation before any progressive thoughts catch-up
to the political level of Chinese government. For better or for worse, the world, and the world economy, does not read in these terms. Wealth and prosperity being the most pragmatic point of
world-unity, China will one day find the dire need to change in order to stay competitive, especially that its population will age extremely quickly within the next few decades,
and its tax-paying population will start to ask for greater efficiency, accountability, and fairness in the tools that allow one to prosper. It is until then that China can finally become a
robustly democratic society. Of course, this is a projection for decades into the future, probably not to be experienced by the adults of today. One is reassured however, that such organically-grown
sense of freedom and civility is of the type that is most perpetuating.
Finally a sneak peek at the iPhone SDK! It looks intuitive and interesting, and for $99, might be a good hobby to pick up.
I was very impressed and excited with the games that are coming out, especially with the utilization of the 3-axis accelerometers and, of course, touch. Might be as evolutionary of a step as the Wii.
Here's a clip of Scott Forstall, VP of iPhone software, demoing a game resulting from 2-week charette. Very cool.. and although its a simple demo, I totally want to see this on Firmware 2.0.
Also, the enterprise stuff is interesting too... support for 802.1x will let me connect to AirPennNet by summer, since they're phasing out Wireless Pennnet in September... just in time!
Push calendar would've been good if somehow Google Calendar supported it (which will never happen, since it's based on the Exchange Server), but BusySync is a fair substitute at the moment, although it can't update stuff on-the-fly.
I'm really excited to find out the founder of Bloomberg, LP, and New York City Major Michael Bloomberg will be speaking at UPenn's commencement in May 19, 2008.
This is a really great speech and Q&A session the Bloomberg made in 2007 at the Googleplex, Mountain View, CA. It gets really exciting about half-way when he starts to talk about the problems in our modern society.
Gone Baby Gone, the first film under the direction of Ben Affleck, is a touching yet tearing story set in the disenfranchised neighborhood of South Boston. While many remember the inspiration and intrigue set out by one of Mr. Affleck's earlier works, co-written with his longtime friend Matt Damon in their 1997 film Good Will Hunting, Gone Baby Gone is of an augmented class in sophistication, craft, and insight into the intricacies of human conscience.
The film starts with the abduction of Amanda (Madeline O'Brien), with her mother, Helene McCready (Amy Ryan), a drug addict that has also gone astray into the business of drug dealing, desperately trying to search for her. Patrick Kenzie (Casey Affleck) and his partner Angie Gennaro (Michelle Monaghan), both private detectives, are hired to investigate in parallel with the Boston Police, led by Captain Jack Doyle (Morgan Freeman).
Like matters of such nature in the real world, the plot of the film is multifaceted and twisted. The renditions from all the actors, most notably that of Affleck-the-younger, Freeman, and Ryan reach a level of depth par excellence. This has in turn permitted the viewer to be totally immersed in the twisted, selfish-ridden complexities of the broken family; to be torn by the crime-infiltrated, drug-induced city, revealing a dark, daunting, and insecure face to a city that is oft-hailed as the Athens of America, the Cradle of contemporary intellectualism, or in John Winthrop's words, a City Upon A Hill.
Mr. Ben Affleck's talents have stretched beyond the clean and well-choreographed frames of the film. Having written the screenplay with Aaron Stockard, based upon Dennis Lehane's novel of the same name, Mr. Affleck also deserves great credit for his role in casting Mr. Casey Affleck for the story's main character. The density of the storyline, along with the complexities of balancing human greed and benevolence, the portrayal of which, for such a young director, is a great achievement indeed. The mirror reflection of the acts of its characters upon the silver screen are so representative of confusion in the human mind, that its narration tears apart both the young and wise viewers' minds.
Because of its non-standard storyline, the film brings out the darkest of all human emotions and responses-- for both the protagonists and antagonists. Like all matters in life, nothing in the film is a clear-cut black or white, instead it is a myriad of shades of gray. The viewer, upon leaving the cinema, cannot help buy ask himself of the constitution of good will; whether good intentions necessarily facilitate good outcomes, or are in fact masked excuses for so-called morality.
Hands down, Google is the greatest company and brand in the early 21st century. They stopped by at TEDTalks in the Bay Area in 2004 and talked about some of their interesting projects.
A lot can happen in 10 years, but the past 10, depite the many ups and downs for the people of Hong Kong, have passed by quickly. The city, an economic miracle, weathered through political instability, its soveriegnty handed over to the People's Republic of China in July 1, 1997.
But Hong Kong is a special child. It has a lot to be proud of, as it has been fighting it alone, through the Asian Economic Crisis of the late 20th century, then the dotcom boom/bust, 9/11, and increasingly formidable rival Shanghai, and, most disasterously, SARS. Yet, with the help of China, it has picked itself up, and business is better than ever. The cold has made the city yet stronger than it was ten years ago. It is the freest and most cosmopolitan city in China, if not of all Asia, bar none.
Yet there are many who still sigh at the future of Hong Kong. Some look over the border and see an increasing number of competitor cities, most notibly Shanghai, and most certainly so for the forcoming decades. They want more integration, they want China to acknowledge Hong Kong as one of their own.
Others feel that it is changing too much. They look at the social ills of the city, the widening gap between the rich and poor, and point out that what Hong Kong needs is a more robust political system, one based on the ballot.
I have been observing the past decade, and I am surprised at how pessimistic and cynical both extremes seem to be. I am surprised at how many underestimate the resilience of Hong Kong, as a city. I am more surprised to see that many do not realize how amazing its people have made it become, how close it is to becoming a truly international and cosmopolitan melting pot.
Hong Kong needs a vision: a city in China that's not Chinese. A Hong Kong that welcomes all, and solicits ideas, opinions, and risk-takers from all corners of the globe. A Hong Kong that is blind to one's color of skin, and judges only by one's diligence, entrepreneurship and character.
This is my resolution for Hong Kong in its second decade of Chinese soveriegnty.
Ever since I saw an NBC special back in '94 on Bill Gates, and later in the turn of the 21st century migrating to macs, I've been huge fans of both Steve Jobs and Bill Gates, their passion of what they do, and the contributions they've made in the tec industry, and teaching me great skills in business and life.
This is basically the first time that the two great titans of the tech industry, probably the greatest feud in the history of computers, shared a stage at an interview. I have to say that as much respect I have had for both of them in the past, I am greatly impressed, and look up to both of them as really great leaders. Steve and Bill are very different people, without doubt, but it is admirable to see their respect for each other.
I really encourage everyone to look at this interview, which is from Walt Mossberg's D:All Things Digital Conference held by the Wall Street Journal. These two people are probably the only two big shots in the tech industry that have weathered through all the storms and waves in the past few decades.
Recently, a student publication from the Chinese University of Hong Kong was labeled as "indecent" by a government
advisory panel, after the student organization had circulated writings of sexual drama, along with a survey with
regards to incest and inter-species sexuality.
For the topic of sexuality to surface within a college campus ought to have been a non-issue. First, Hong Kong society
in the past decade has become increasingly liberal and welcoming to people of different backgrounds, sexual preference, and
behaviors, especially amongst the younger generation. It is the insistence of the stubborn and conservative few that inhibit the
progress of societies and human discovery into the sciences and humanities.
Secondly, it is the very responsibility of
stirring debate and opinion that a high-level institution's foundation is based upon. Had the university's role been to pass and
inherit dogma, it would have been a mere technical college, not a place of scholarship.
Thirdly, it is the governments fault into
keeping its antiquated and vague laws regarding indecency, and the Chinese University's fault in failing to defend the freedoms of its students
by exerting unnecessarily strict and confrontational actions against them.
Fourthly, the government panel on indecent media publications,
the Obscene Articles Tribunal, ought to be a panel solely concerned to "indecency" in the visual realm. Its justifications also need to be
more educated, culturally sensitive, secularized, and less wrapped in religious dogma. For this, I find the recent challenge by
the public in petitioning the government to label the Bible (yes, the Bible) as indecent as an extremely amusing and provocative
of debate. I find it very appropriate in the light of incompetence and mediocrity of the Tribunal, and it reveals the
double-standard of the panel's definition of indecency. It certainly reminds us of the absurdity several years back, when
the panel labeled Michelangelo's David as indecent, a move that not only discredited the Tribunal,
but is an act only comparable to the likes of neo-conservatism in the United States.
To end the first ten years of Hong Kong's handover to China points out the unfortunate turn of events for the city in the past decade.
Paradoxically, it is not the explicit restrictions of freedom by the Chinese government that have led to this, as they have kept by there
word and gave the territory true autonomy in matters and the freedom of speech. In fact, the social ills and silliness of the
Hong Kong peoples seem to have been threefold: the strengthening of the corporation overtaking business issues, the
stubornness of the "moralists", led by religious organizations such as the so-called Society for Truth and Light,
and the self-correcting conservatives, led by the HKDAB political party, Tsang Hin-Chi, and its cronies.
To be fair, Hong Kong has seen an unprecedented economic and social transformation that has augmented it
from a mere regional entrepot in 1997 to, at the lower end, a vibrant, magnetic megalopolis of Asia, and, on the higher
end of the scale, the imminent and up-coming World Ciy and international financial center. However, the government's
favoritism toward the conglomerates, as exhibited in the so-called Cyberport project and is inability to limit the Chinese
government's meddling into private business affairs (i.e. PCCW), are signs of the overpowering of corporations and possibilities
of injustices reminiscent of nineteenth-century America.
The moralists fare no much better. Although politically they seem to be opponents to the establishment (which itself is a
paradoxical proposition), there are a number of conservative church groups that have breached the freedoms endowed upon the
citizens of Hong Kong, as seen most evidently in the Chinese University Incident. Over the years these moralists have failed to
make an educated distinction between artful taste of the literati, and the gross ejaculation of the vulgar. The result, a group of
socially conservative, awkward, and medieval Hong Kongers that have, in the name of morals limited the city's potential
and bid to become Asia's World City.
As for the political conservatives, I have criticized much about them in the past (albeit, never enough).
All I can say is that when the political scene in China does change for the better, they will be scrambling to find a place on the ballot.
Hong Kong and its people must look beyond convention and dogma in order to strive in the times.
As a mere city, it is and will have no leverage over its own economic destiny. But, having nurtured under a generally benevolent western power,
it has the greatest potential in leading China into modernity-- Not merely in the material sense, but into being a true hub of intellect and
forward thinking, for the progress of humanity is the search for light and truth.
bryan and kirsten were talking to me about this clip on the daily show the past few days, and today I found a clip of it online. To summerize, the topic of discussion between Jon Stewart and Aasif Mandvi was the gates of Hell, and Mandvi described the gates of Hell were in Philadelphia! (and quickly corrected himself, "South Jersey"). Absolutely hilarious.
But to be precise, Rodin's The Gates of Hell is indeed in Philadelphia!
A tribute to the late Architect, Master Builder, and Teacher Louis I Kahn. Admired by his students at Penn, revered for architectural excellence, and built to stand the test of time.
This is a production by Mathias Wu's Zuni Icosahedron in Hong Kong, and the second, after Ludwig Mies van der Rohe of his multimedia production series in homage to great architects of our time.
So many things to highlight... what a great second semester it has been. On top of the trip to new orleans, it has been a spring term of many challenges, excitement, and fun.
Included are many of the fantastic photos that have been taken in the past 4 months, some at Penn, some during trips to other places.
in the 19th and 20th centuries the developed and industrial world was defined the the night satellite poster of the world. the glow defined areas of progress.
in the 21st century it is defined by the digital divide: this google visualizer shows the number of hits from around the world over a period of several days, with peaks of hits following the path of the sun (ie, the daytime).
I just went on an alternative spring break to New Orleans with friends from Penn. It is hands-down the most meaningful, and arguably the most enjoyable trip I've had in my life. On one hand I had the hammer and the circular saw, and on the other I partied through the night with my friends.
Back here at Penn we're all trying to recover from such a fabulous trip. Trying to go back to urban life in a building for most of any day.
I miss the southern breeze, its magnificent sun, the hospitality, and above all, the cool Southern accent that I've been close to acquiring. It was my first time in the American South, and now i know why people love it so much.
The article is written by Mr Yu Keping, an academic of the Compilation and Translation Bureau of the CPC Central Committee of China, and said to be a consultant to Chinese President Hu Jintao.
It is probably one of the clearest implications of the inner debates within the Chinese Communist Party-- that the current political structure is unsustainable, and would most certainly have to be evolved and augmented in order to cope with the needs of the 21st century, especially that being of a modernizing China.
Democracy is our destiny. It is simply a matter of time.
